The central issue of the Potsdam conference. The last meeting of the "big three"

The Soviet delegation was headed by J.V. Stalin, the American - by President G. Truman, the British - by the British Prime Minister W. Churchill, who was then replaced by K. Attlee. The conference was held from July 17 to August 2 at the Cecilienhof Palace in Potsdam and was intended to discuss the problems of the post-war world order.

By this time Germany had surrendered. On May 2, hostilities ceased in the southern direction in Italy, on May 4 at the headquarters of General Montgomery, who commanded the British forces, a document was signed on the surrender of German troops in North-Western Europe, on May 7 at Eisenhower's headquarters in Reims, the surrender of all German armed forces was signed. A similar document was signed by Marshal G.K. Zhukov and German Field Marshal Wilhelm Keitel on the night of May 8-9.

The British and American sides refused to consider the issue of reparations in isolation from the issue of aid to the Germans. Food in Germany was produced to a large extent in those eastern regions that Moscow had already transferred under Polish jurisdiction. In turn, the Soviet side, during the discussion of the issue of Italy's admission to the UN, demanded the same permission for Germany's former allies in Southeast Europe. This raised questions to the Soviet representatives regarding the USSR's implementation of the "Declaration on Liberated Europe" adopted in Yalta. The conclusion of peace treaties provided for the recognition of new governments; Western representatives were ready to recognize them only after making sure that they were formed on the basis of election. The Soviet side referred to the state of affairs in Greece, implying that Great Britain itself is not fulfilling its obligations.

During a meeting with Churchill, Stalin said that the USSR was not going to Sovietize Eastern Europe and would allow free elections for all parties except the fascist ones. Churchill returned to "percentage" diplomacy and complained that instead of 50, the USSR received 99 percent in Yugoslavia.

At the very first plenary session, the question of Poland arose again (as in Tehran and Yalta). The Soviet delegation defended the western Polish border along the Oder-Neisse rivers. Truman rebuked Stalin for having already transferred these areas to the Poles without waiting for a peace conference, as agreed in Yalta. At the insistence of the Soviet side, Polish representatives arrived in Potsdam, led by Boleslav Bierut. The Polish delegation demanded German lands and promised democratically elections. Churchill and Truman suggested not to rush, and Churchill expressed doubt that Poland would be able to successfully "digest" such a large territory.

The Polish question, which cost Churchill so much blood, was the last one he discussed as Prime Minister of Great Britain. On July 25, Churchill, together with Foreign Minister A. Eden, departed for London, where he resigned the next day. The new Prime Minister K. Attlee and the new Foreign Minister E. Bevin arrived in Potsdam.

Already in the new composition, the conference came to an agreement on the question of Poland. Poland was to hold free elections with the participation of all democratic and anti-Nazi parties. The final decision on the question of Poland's western border was postponed, but now East German lands were transferred to Poland. The conference agreed to the transfer of the city of Konigsberg and the adjacent territory to the USSR.

An agreement was reached on the procedure for exercising control over Germany. The goals of disarmament, demilitarization and denazification of Germany were proclaimed. All military and paramilitary formations were subject to liquidation. Nazi laws were canceled. The National Socialist Party of Germany and all Nazi institutions were liquidated. War criminals were brought to justice. Active members of the Nazi Party were removed from all significant posts. The German educational system was brought under control in order to destroy Nazi and militaristic doctrines and ensure the development of democracy. Self-government bodies were established on democratic principles throughout Germany. The activities of democratic parties were encouraged. It was decided not to create yet a central German government. The German economy was subject to decentralization, production - to be placed under the control of the Allies, in order to exclude the revival of the military industry. During the period of the allied occupation, Germany was to be considered as a single economic organism, including in terms of currency and taxation.

On the issue of reparations, a compromise was nevertheless reached. The USSR (pledging to transfer part of the reparations to Poland) was to receive them from its zone of occupation, as well as partly from the western zones to the extent that this did not undermine the peaceful German economy.

The German navy was divided in equal proportions between the USSR, the USA and Great Britain. Most of the German submarines were to be sunk. The German merchant fleet, with the exception of ships necessary for river and coastal trade, was also divided among the three powers. Great Britain and the United States allocated from their share of the court to the countries affected by the German aggression.

A number of other agreements were also reached. It was decided to recommend Italy as a country that broke with Germany for membership in the UN. The Council of Foreign Ministers was instructed to prepare peace treaties with Italy, Bulgaria, Finland, Hungary and Romania. The signing of the peace treaties made it possible for these states to join the UN. Spain was denied membership in the UN. It was decided to "improve" the work of the control commissions in Romania, Bulgaria and Hungary. It was proposed to carry out the resettlement of the German population from Poland, Czechoslovakia and Hungary in an "orderly and humane" manner. Allied troops were to be immediately removed from Tehran, and the Council of Foreign Ministers was to decide on the further withdrawal of troops from Iran.

The conference did not agree with the Soviet proposal for the Bosphorus and the Dardanelles. Stalin demanded that the Montreux Convention be canceled, that the regime for the straits of Turkey and the USSR be worked out, that the USSR be given the opportunity to organize military bases in the straits on a par with the Turks. Truman proposed a free regime of the Straits with the guarantees of all the great powers. As a result, it was decided that the Montreux Convention should be revised during the contacts of each of the three governments with the Turkish government.

The Potsdam conference resolved the most pressing issues of the post-war order. It became clear that the European order would be built on a confrontational basis. At the Potsdam Conference, for the first time in the history of diplomacy, the nuclear factor emerged. On July 24, in a conversation with Stalin, Truman casually mentioned that the United States had a new weapon of extraordinary destructive power. Stalin replied that he was glad to hear this and hoped that he would find application in the war against Japan. By that time, Stalin had long known about the American atomic project and was rushing Soviet scientists into a similar development. By 1945, three atomic projects were feverishly developing in the world: American (with British participation), Soviet and German. The United States was the first to reach the atomic line.

APPLICATION.

POTSDAM DECLARATION

Statement by the Heads of Government of the United States, the United Kingdom and China (Potsdam Declaration)

1. We, the President of the United States, the President of the National Government of the Republic of China and the Prime Minister of Great Britain, representing hundreds of millions of our compatriots, have consulted and agreed that Japan should be given the opportunity to end this war.

2. The huge land, sea and air forces of the United States, the British Empire and China, reinforced many times over by their troops and air fleets from the West, were prepared for the final blows against Japan. This military power is sustained and inspired by the determination of all Allied Nations to wage war against Japan until it ceases to resist.

3. The result of Germany's fruitless and senseless resistance to the might of the rising free peoples of the world stands with terrible clarity as an example to the people of Japan. The powerful forces that are now approaching Japan are immeasurably greater than those that, when applied to the resisting Nazis, naturally devastated the lands, destroyed industry and disrupted the way of life of the entire German people. The full use of our military force, backed by our determination, will mean the inevitable and final destruction of the Japanese armed forces, the equally inevitable total devastation of the Japanese mother country.

4. The time has come for Japan to decide whether she will continue to be ruled by those stubborn militaristic advisers whose foolish calculations have brought the Japanese empire to the brink of destruction, or whether she will follow the path indicated by reason.

5. The following are our terms and conditions. We will not deviate from them. There is no choice. We will not tolerate any delay.

6. The power and influence of those who deceived and misled the people of Japan, forcing them to follow the path of world conquest, must be eliminated forever, for we firmly believe that a new order of peace, security and justice will be impossible as long as irresponsible militarism will not be expelled from the world.

7. Until such a new order is established, and until there is convincing evidence that Japan's ability to wage war has been destroyed, points on Japanese territory to be indicated by the Allies will be occupied in order to to ensure the implementation of the main objectives that we set out here.

8. The conditions of the Cairo Declaration will be fulfilled and Japanese sovereignty will be limited to the islands of Honshu, Hokkaido, Kyushu, Shikoku and those smaller islands that we indicate.

9. The Japanese armed forces, once disarmed, will be allowed to return to their homes with the opportunity to lead a peaceful and working life.

10. We do not want the Japanese to be enslaved as a race or destroyed as a nation, but all war criminals, including those who committed atrocities against our prisoners, must be severely punished. The Japanese Government must remove all obstacles to the revival and consolidation of democratic tendencies among the Japanese people. Freedom of speech, religion and thought will be established, as well as respect for fundamental human rights.

11. Japan will be allowed to have an industry that will support its economy and exact reparations in kind, but not industries that will allow it to re-arm itself for war. For these purposes, access to raw materials will be allowed, as opposed to control over them. Ultimately, Japan will be allowed to participate in world trade relations.

12. The Allied occupation forces will be withdrawn from Japan as soon as these objectives have been achieved and as soon as a peaceful and responsible government is established in accordance with the freely expressed will of the Japanese people.

13. We call on the Government of Japan to proclaim now the unconditional surrender of all Japanese armed forces and to give appropriate and sufficient assurances of their good intentions in this matter. Otherwise, Japan will face a quick and complete defeat.

“After the defeat and surrender of Nazi Germany, Japan turned out to be the only great power that still stands for the continuation of the war.

The demand of the three powers - the United States of America, Great Britain and China - on July 26 this year for the unconditional surrender of the Japanese armed forces was rejected by Japan. Thus, the proposal of the Japanese Government to the Soviet Union for mediation in the war in the Far East loses all ground.

Considering Japan's refusal to surrender, the Allies turned to the Soviet Government with a proposal to join the war against Japanese aggression and thereby shorten the time for ending the war, reduce the number of casualties and promote the early restoration of world peace.

True to its allied duty, the Soviet Government accepted the Allied proposal and joined the Statement of the Allied Powers of July 26 of this year.

The Soviet Government believes that such a policy is the only means capable of bringing the advance of peace closer, freeing the peoples from further sacrifices and suffering and enabling the Japanese people to get rid of the dangers and destruction that were experienced by Germany after her refusal from unconditional surrender.

In view of the foregoing, the Soviet Government declares that from tomorrow, that is, from August 9th, the Soviet Union will consider itself in a state of war with Japan.

Exactly 69 years ago, the Potsdam Conference (Berlin Conference) was opened - the last of the meetings of the leaders of the countries of the anti-Hitler coalition - the USSR, the USA and Great Britain, which took placefrom July 17 to August 2, 1945in order to determine further steps for the post-war structure of Europe.The Soviet delegation was headed by J.V. Stalin, the American - by G. Truman, the British - by W. Churchill, and from July 28, K. Attlee, who replaced him as Prime Minister.

I dedicate this photo collection to this event.

(Photo album " Yalta conference"can be seen)

***

1. Meeting of the Big Three. K. Attlee, G. Truman, I. V. Stalin.

2. British Prime Minister W. Churchill and his daughter Oliver, who arrived at the Berlin conference, descend the plane.

3. British Prime Minister W. Churchill passes through the airfield on the day of arrival at the Berlin conference.

4. US President G.S. Truman and General D. Eisenhower are on the airfield on the day of arrival at the Berlin conference.

5. Soviet traffic controller on the road to Potsdam, where the conference of the heads of the three powers was held.

6. Allied checkpoint on the road to Potsdam, where the conference of the heads of the three great powers was held.

7. Arrival of I.V. Stalin to the residence of the Soviet delegation in Babelsberg.

8. Reception room in the residence of I.V. Stalin in Babelsberg.

9. The recreation room in the residence of I.V. Stalin in Babelsberg.

10. Study at the residence of the Soviet delegation in Babelsberg.

11. View of the Cecilienhof Palace, which hosted the Berlin Conference.

12. View of the Cecilienhof Palace, which hosted the Berlin Conference.

13. Cecilienhof Palace - the site of the Potsdam conference.

14. Palace Cecilienhof, which hosted the Berlin (Potsdam) conference.

15. Travel of military advisers and representatives of the Allied Joint Staff (from left to right): first row - J. Marshall, A. Brook, Air Marshal Ch. Portal, General G. Ismay; second row - Admiral E. King (USA), Admiral E. Cunningham (Great Britain).

16. Travel of the US delegation: Secretary of State D. Byrnes, Admiral W. Leagy and others.

17. Official photograph of the heads of government of the three powers: W. Churchill, G. Truman and I.V. Stalin.

18. Before the beginning of the Berlin (Potsdam) conference of 1945, W. Churchill, G. Truman and J. V. Stalin.

19. People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the USSR VM Molotov, VN Pavlov, USSR Ambassador to the USA AA Gromyko, US Secretary of State D.F. Byrnes (left to right) and others at a round table at a meeting of foreign ministers during the Berlin Conference.

20. British Foreign Minister E.Bevin (2nd from left), F.T. Gusev, First Deputy People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the USSR A.Ya. Vyshinsky, People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the USSR V.M. Molotov V.N. Pavlov and others . at a round table at a meeting of foreign ministers during the days of the Berlin conference.

21. At one of the first meetings of the Berlin (Potsdam) conference. Present: I.V. Stalin, V.M. Molotov, A. Ya. Vyshinsky, W. Churchill, G. Truman and others.

22. General form meeting room of foreign ministers during the Berlin conference. Among those present: A.Ya. Vyshinsky, V.M. Molotov, A.A. Gromyko, A. Eden, F.T. Gusev and others.

23. One of the sessions during the Berlin Conference. Among those present: E. Bevin, A. Y. Vyshinsky, V. M. Molotov, I. V. Stalin, A. A. Gromyko (from left to right), F. Ya. Falaleev, N. G. Kuznetsov (2nd row on the right), etc.

24. Commander-in-Chief of the Group of Soviet Forces in Germany and Commander-in-Chief of the SVAG GK Zhukov during the Berlin Conference.

25. Commander-in-Chief of the Group of Soviet Forces in Germany and Commander-in-Chief of the SVAG GK Zhukov, People's Commissar of the USSR Navy NG Kuznetsov at a meeting of representatives of the Soviet Army and Navy - members of the USSR delegation at the Berlin Conference.

26. Lieutenant General N.V. Slavin, Chief of Staff of the Air Force of the Soviet Army F.Ya. Falaleev, Commander-in-Chief of the Group of Soviet Forces in Germany and Commander-in-Chief of the SVAG G.K. Zhukov, People's Commissar of the USSR Navy N.G. Kuznetsov, Chief of the Chief Military of the USSR Naval Staff S.G. Kucherov, Chief of the General Staff of the USSR Armed Forces A.I. Antonov (left to right) at a meeting of representatives of the Soviet Army and Navy, members of the USSR delegation at the Berlin conference.

27. Chief of the Main Naval Staff of the USSR S.G. Kucherov, Lieutenant General N.V. Slavin, Commander-in-Chief of the Group of Soviet Forces in Germany and Commander-in-Chief of the SVAG G.K. Zhukov, People's Commissar of the USSR Navy N.G. Kuznetsov, Chief of the General Staff Of the Armed Forces of the USSR A.I. Antonov, Chief of Staff of the Air Force of the Soviet Army F.Ya. Falaleev and others in the park of the Cecilienhof Palace during the Berlin conference.

28. Meeting of the military advisers of the three powers. In the center - the Chief of the General Staff of the Red Army General A.I. Antonov, to the right of him - the People's Commissar of the Navy, Admiral N.G. Kuznetsov, Chief of the General Staff of the Navy, Admiral S.G. Kucherov; to the left of Antonov - Chief of the Air Force General Staff Air Marshal F.Ya. Falaleev and others.

29. Stalin IV, Truman G., Churchill W. on the sidelines of the meeting room of the Potsdam conference.

30. British Foreign Minister A. Eden visiting the USSR People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs VM Molotov during the Berlin Conference.

31. Head of the Soviet Government JV Stalin, VN Pavlov, US President G. Truman, USSR Ambassador to the USA AA Gromyko (left to right) at Truman's villa during the Berlin Conference.

32. British Foreign Minister Eduard Bevin (3rd from left) visiting the USSR People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs VM Molotov during the Berlin Conference. Among those present: A.Ya. Vyshinsky, F.T. Gusev, K. Attlee.

33. US Secretary of State DF Byrnes (3rd from left), US President G. Trumen (center), head of the Soviet government J.V. Stalin, People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs V.M. Molotov, USSR Ambassador to the USA A. A. Gromyko and others on the balcony of Truman's villa during the Berlin conference.

34. Visiting the villa of G. Truman in Babelsberg. US Secretary of State D. Byrnes, US President G. Truman, head of the USSR government I.V. Stalin and People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs V.M. Molotov.

35. Photojournalists of the USSR, USA and Great Britain - participants in the photography of the Berlin conference.

36. British Prime Minister K. Attlee, US President G. Truman, head of the Soviet government J.V. Stalin (sitting from left to right), Admiral V. Logi, British Foreign Minister E. Bevin, State. US Secretary DF Byrnes, USSR Foreign Commissar VM Molotov (standing from left to right) in the park during the Berlin Conference.

37. A group of expert advisers to the delegations of the USSR, USA and Great Britain at the Cecilienhof Palace.

38. First Deputy People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the USSR A.Ya. Vyshinsky, F.T. Gusev, Foreign Minister of Great Britain A. Eden, People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the USSR V.M. Molotov, V.N. Pavlov, A. Kerr (from left to right) during the Berlin Conference.

39. US President G.S. Truman, head of the Soviet government JV Stalin in a group of participants in the Berlin Conference. Among those present: In Logi, V.N. Pavlov.

40. Berlin (Potsdam) conference 1945 I.V. Stalin, G. Truman, A.A. Gromyko, D. Byrnes and V.M. Molotov.

41. British Prime Minister W. Churchill, US President G. Truman, head of the Soviet government JV Stalin (left to right) in the park during the Berlin Conference.

42. The heads of government of the three powers: K. Attlee, G. Truman and J.V. Stalin. Standing: Admiral W. Leguy, E. Bevin, D. Birns and V. M. Molotov.

43. I.V. Stalin, G. Truman, D. Burns and V.M. Molotov at the porch of the residence of the President of the United States at the Potsdam Conference. In the photo from right to left in the first row: Marshal of the Soviet Union, Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR and Chairman of the State Defense Committee of the USSR Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin, US President Harry S. Truman, Secretary of State James F. Byrnes, 1882-1972) and the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the USSR Vyacheslav Mikhailovich Molotov (1890-1986) at the porch of the residence of the President of the United States at the Potsdam Conference. In the photo in the second row on the right between I.V. Stalin and G. Truman - American Admiral William Leahy, in the center between G. Truman and D. Burns - American translator Charles Bowlen (Charles Eustis "Chip" Bohlen, 1904-1974).

44. Senior officers of the USSR and the United States at a meeting of chiefs of General Staff during the Potsdam Conference. Soviet senior officers (in white uniforms from left to right): Chief of the General Staff of the Red Army - General of the Army Alexei Innokentyevich Antonov, Marshal of the Red Army Aviation Fedor Yakovlevi Falaleev. American officers (seated from right to left): Lieutenant General Henry Arnold, Chief of Staff of the US Army General George Marshall, Chief of Naval Operations Staff Admiral Ernst King.

45. Employees and a steam locomotive of the 7th column of the NKPS (People's Commissariat of Railways), which delivered the Soviet delegation to the Potsdam conference. Second from the left in the bottom row is the Latvian steam locomotive fireman Janis Rudolfovich Irsheins.

46. View of the Cecilienhof Palace shortly before the opening of the Potsdam conference.

47. The delegation of the "Big Three" at the negotiating table at the Potsdam conference.

48. I.V. Stalin, G. Truman and K. Attlee at the Potsdam Conference. In the photo in the foreground from right to left: Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR and Chairman of the State Defense Committee of the USSR, Marshal of the Soviet Union Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin, US President Harry S. Truman and British Prime Minister Clement R. Attlee. In the background, on the right, Vyacheslav Mikhailovich Molotov, People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the USSR.

49. British Prime Minister W. Churchill bypasses the formation of the guard of honor of the Allied forces at the Berlin Gatow airfield.

50. American transport aircraft C-54 "Skymaster" (Douglas C-54 Skymaster) at the Berlin airfield Gatow during the Potsdam conference.

51. Marshal of Poland Michal Rola-ymersky at the Cecilinhof Palace during the Potsdam conference.

52. The Soviet delegation during a break in the meeting at the Potsdam Conference. Center - Marshal of the Soviet Union, Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR and Chairman of the State Defense Committee of the USSR Iosif Vissarionovich Stalin, to his left (in a striped suit) - People's Commissar of Foreign Affairs of the USSR Vyacheslav Mikhailovich Molotov.

53. British diplomats, British Ambassador to the USSR Archibald Clark-Kerr (center) and British Deputy Foreign Minister Alexander Cadogan (right) at the Cecilienhof Palace at the Potsdam conference.

54. Soviet diplomats, First Deputy People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the USSR Andrei Yanuarevich Vyshinsky (1883-1954, right) and Ambassador of the USSR to the United States Andrei Andreevich Gromyko (1909-1989, center) talk with the Secretary of State James Burns ( James F. Byrnes, 1882-1972) at the airfield during the Potsdam Conference.

55. British Field Marshals Harold Alexander (left) and Henry Wilson (right) walk with British Secretary of War Henry Simpson (center) during the Potsdam conference.

56. Senior officers of the USSR and the United States at a meeting of chiefs of General Staff during the Potsdam Conference.
Soviet senior officers (in white uniforms from left to right): Chief of the General Staff of the Red Army - General of the Army Alexei Innokentyevich Antonov, Marshal of the Red Army Aviation Fedor Yakovlevich Falaleev. American officers (seated from right to left): Lieutenant General Henry Arnold, Chief of Staff of the US Army General George Marshall, Chief of Naval Operations Staff Admiral Ernst King.

57. Soviet officers look at British Prime Minister Winston Churchill leaving the door during the Potsdam Conference.

58. Marshal of the Soviet Union, Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR and Chairman of the State Defense Committee of the USSR Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin for a walk in the Cecilinhof Palace with US President G. Truman during the Potsdam Conference.

59. Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR and Chairman of the State Defense Committee of the USSR Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin, US President Harry S. Truman and British Prime Minister Winston Churchill after dinner given by Winston Churchill.

60. Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR and Chairman of the State Defense Committee of the USSR Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin, US President Harry S. Truman and British Prime Minister Winston Churchill after dinner given by Winston Churchill.

61. Marshal of the Soviet Union, Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR and Chairman of the State Defense Committee of the USSR Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin, US President Harry Truman and British Prime Minister Winston Churchill during a break between meetings at the Potsdam conference.

What questions were considered at the Potsdam conference of the leaders of the three allied powers - the USSR, the USA and Great Britain, and what is the significance of its decisions?

In the period from July 17 to August 2, 1945, the third conference of the leaders of the USSR (J.V. Stalin), the USA (G. Truman) and Great Britain (W. Churchill, who was replaced on July 28 new prime minister K. Attlee).

On the very eve of the Potsdam Conference in the United States and England, tendencies to push the USSR east of the Curzon Line and even start a war against it sharply increased. US Undersecretary of State Grew argued that such a war was inevitable, and W. Churchill suggested that the United States start it after the defeat of Japan. He asked the American leadership not to rush, therefore, with the withdrawal of US troops from those regions of Germany that should be included in the Soviet zone of occupation. US Air Force Commander General Arnold urged his government not to postpone preparations for an air war against the USSR, since, he argued, "our next enemy is Russia."

The growth of anti-Sovietism in the ruling circles of the United States and Britain could not but affect the entire course of the third meeting of the Big Three.

The conference focused on the German issue. H. Truman and W. Churchill arrived in Potsdam, as before in Yalta, with their plans to dismember Germany into a number of independent units, which, according to the US President, “will be useful for the future of peace and security,” but in fact for the American monopolies ... The Soviet position on this issue was clear and unambiguous: the USSR was still opposed to both the dismemberment and destruction of Germany, which JV Stalin directly stated on May 9, 1945. The Soviet delegation adhered to this line in Potsdam as well. She saw the solution to the German problem in the demilitarization, democratization and denazification of Germany, which would really serve to establish a lasting and lasting peace in Europe. Ultimately, the conference in the implementation of the Crimean agreements on Germany adopted agreed political and economic principles for the treatment of Germany by the three powers. They were aimed at eradicating German militarism and Nazism forever and directing the development of this country in a peaceful and democratic direction. They primarily emphasized the need for the complete disarmament of Germany by abolishing all of its armed forces, the SS, SA, SD, the Gestapo with their headquarters, including the General Staff, institutions, educational institutions, as well as the destruction or surrender of weapons and ammunition to the Allies. It was stated that "there must be the same treatment of the German population throughout Germany." To do this, it was envisaged to destroy the fascist party, punish war criminals, remove Nazis from public posts, abolish all Nazi laws, encourage the activities of democratic political parties, ensure respect for freedom of speech, press and religion, etc.

Germany was banned from the production of weapons and other weapons of war, in accordance with peaceful needs, the production of metals and chemical products was limited, the excessive concentration of the economy in the form of cartels and trusts was destroyed. The USSR proposed establishing joint control of the USSR, the USA and England over the Ruhr, but the Western powers did not agree with this.

Reparations to the Soviet Union were planned to be paid through seizures from the Soviet zone of occupation, German foreign assets in Bulgaria, Finland, Hungary, Romania and Eastern Austria, complete industrial equipment from the western zones of occupation, including 15 percent in exchange for goods, and 10 percent without any refund. The delegations of the United States and Britain stubbornly tried to deprive the USSR of the right to receive reparations from the western zones. But the Soviet delegation thwarted these attempts. Due to the opposition of the Western powers, the total amount of reparations with Germany was not agreed. The United States has abandoned its position in Crimea on this issue.

The conference agreed with the proposal of the Soviet government to transfer the city of Konigsberg (now Kaliningrad) and the adjacent area to the USSR. Overcoming the opposition of the US and British delegations, the USSR delegation achieved a decision to divide the German navy and merchant fleet equally between the three powers.

Thanks to the firm and consistent line of the USSR, the decisions adopted by the conference on the German question are just and meet the interests of all peoples. Honest implementation of the decisions taken by all the great powers created conditions for the democratic development of Germany.

The conference considered the Polish question. The decision adopted after lengthy and heated discussions reflected the Soviet position on this issue: protecting the interests of Poland and giving her the opportunity to build her life within the framework of historically just borders in accordance with the will of the Polish people. Attempts by the Western powers to impose their will on Poland were thwarted by the Soviet delegation.

In Potsdam, the question of the preparation of peace treaties for Italy, Romania, Bulgaria, Hungary and Finland and on the relations of the allied powers with them before the signing of peace treaties was also discussed. The delegations of the United States and Britain demanded a "reorganization" of the governments of Romania and Bulgaria as a condition for their recognition, and at the same time they praised the situation in Italy in every possible way. The Soviet delegation did not agree with the biased and unequal approach of the Western powers to these countries. The conference decided to establish the Council of Foreign Ministers of the USSR, USA, England, China and France to prepare peace treaties with Germany and its former allies in the war.

The conference also considered the issue of the war in the Far East, as well as a number of other problems associated with the post-war world order.

After the war, bourgeois historians made many attempts to portray in a distorting mirror the results of the Potsdam Conference. At different times they evaluated them differently, but each time they deliberately distorted their content. The decisions of the conference were portrayed as a "fatal mistake of the West", "a tripartite declaration of the Cold War," etc.

The West German revanchist circles and their ideologists are especially angry about the Potsdam decisions. They go so far as to cynically compare the decisions of the Crimean and Potsdam conferences with the predatory Treaty of Versailles imposed on Germany in 1919 by the victorious countries of the First World War. As confirmation of this fiction, they cite a false version, which they themselves put into circulation, that the conference was convened no less than "to fix the liquidation of Germany." Here the lie is so obvious that it does not require special refutation, since those are the decisions of the conference themselves.

No matter how sophisticated the critics of the Potsdam agreements may be, they will not erase their historical significance. In connection with the 25th anniversary of the Potsdam Conference, the Soviet government noted that the basic principles of Potsdam are still the foundation of the post-war peace order in Europe. Their implementation in our day means the recognition of the inviolability of the current European borders, political realities that have arisen as a result of the Second World War and post-war development.

The Potsdam conference was held from July 17 to August 2, 1945 with the participation of the leadership of the three largest powers of the anti-Hitler coalition in World War II in order to determine further steps for the post-war structure of Europe.

The conference was attended by the heads of government of three states - US President Harry Truman (presiding at all meetings), Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR I.V. Stalin and British Prime Minister Winston Churchill (during the conference he was defeated in the elections, and he arrived in Potsdam successor Clement Attlee).

On the eve of the conference

So, the peculiarity of the Potsdam conference is that, although in theory it could crown a whole series of military conferences and be marked by the triumph of the policy of the powers of the anti-Hitler coalition, such an opportunity was lost even before the start of its work. Two of its three participants, namely, delegations from the United States and Great Britain, went to Berlin with exactly opposite goals. They had already decided to bury the very idea of cooperating with the Soviet Union and followed the path of confrontation with the socialist power. Contrary to the plans developed under Roosevelt, they returned to the pre-war course aimed at isolating the USSR, at removing it from solving world problems. They were preoccupied with acquiring a "position of strength" from which they could dictate their will to the Soviet Union. Yet at that stage, the Truman government still did not dare to openly proclaim its new course and took part in the Potsdam Conference. There were reasons for this: firstly, an open break with the USSR would shock world public opinion too much, and secondly, Washington foresaw that a sharp turn in US policy would encounter strong resistance within the country. It is known that for consent, it is necessary to strive for this. at least two partners, for a quarrel - the will of one side is enough. Moreover, the one who turns to the road of confrontation and war needs appropriate means of force. President Truman and those around him relied on the power of atomic weapons. On his way to Potsdam, the American president was eagerly awaiting the news of the test of the first atomic bomb. On board the cruiser "Augusta", which carried it across the Atlantic, there were regular coded messages about the preparations for the test in New Mexico.

Delegations from the United States and Great Britain arrived on July 15, and on the eve of the conference, Churchill and Truman visited Berlin separately and examined its ruins. The delegation of the USSR, headed by Stalin, arrived in Berlin by train on July 16, where she was met by the commander-in-chief of the group of Soviet occupation forces in Germany, Marshal of the Soviet Union G.K. Zhukov.

On July 17, at 12:00 pm, Stalin and Molotov met with US President Truman and US Secretary of State Byrnes. V.N. was present as an interpreter. Pavlov. During the conversation, Truman told Stalin that "he is glad to meet Generalissimo Stalin." him the same friendly relations that Generalissimo Stalin had with President Roosevelt. He, Truman, is convinced of the need for this, since he believes that the fate of the world is in the hands of three powers. He wants to be a friend of Generalissimo Stalin. He is not a diplomat and likes to speak directly "Stalin replied that" on the part of the Soviet government there is a complete readiness to go along with the United States. "

Arrival of JV Stalin at the residence of the Soviet delegation in Babelsberg. July 1945 RGASPI F.558. Op. 11. Unit storage 1697.

Conference solutions

By the decision of the Potsdam Conference, Prussia was liquidated as a state entity. East Prussia was divided between the Soviet Union and Poland. The Soviet Union, together with the capital Konigsberg (which was renamed Kaliningrad in 1946), included one third of East Prussia, on whose territory the Kaliningrad region of the RSFSR was created. A small part, which included part of the Curonian Spit and the city of Klaipeda (Klaipeda region, so-called. "Memel sector"), was transferred in 1950 to the Lithuanian SSR.

The burning issue discussed during the conference was the problem of the division of the surviving German military-merchant fleet, the problem of reparations and the fate of Nazi war criminals. On reparations, it was decided that each of the parties would receive them from its zone of occupation, in addition, the USSR was forced to find itself from German assets and gold in foreign banks. The parties determined the principles of demilitarization and denazification of Germany.

The northern and western borders of Poland were re-drawn along the Oder and Neisse rivers. According to the official protocol of the conference, the Potsdam Agreement set out the goal of preserving the unity of Germany. However, many decisions became invalid, the country was divided when the conflict between East and West led to a split of the allies.

At the Potsdam Conference, Stalin reaffirmed his commitment to declare war on Japan no later than three months after Germany's surrender. The Allies also signed the Potsdam Declaration, which demanded Japan's unconditional surrender.

On the final day of the conference, the heads of delegations made fundamental decisions on the settlement of post-war issues, approved on August 7, 1945 with certain reservations by France, which was not invited to the conference.

The official "Communication on the Berlin Conference of the Three Powers" of August 2 on the outcome of the conference said that "President Truman, Generalissimo Stalin and Prime Minister Attlee are leaving this conference, which has strengthened the ties between the three governments and expanded the framework of their cooperation and understanding with renewed confidence. that their Governments and peoples, together with the other United Nations, will bring about a just and lasting world of peace.

At the conference there were many heated disputes on many issues, but in general, as a result of the discussion and exchange of views, important positive decisions were made. The list of documents agreed and approved at the Potsdam Conference shows that a very wide range of problems was considered, that the decisions taken there could be of great importance for the development of the entire international situation. The Council of Foreign Ministers was established; the participants in the meeting agreed on political and economic principles for the treatment of Germany in the initial monitoring period; an agreement was reached on reparations from Germany, on the German naval and merchant fleet, the transfer and division of which were to be completed no later than February 15, 1946, including those ships that are under construction and repair, on the transfer of the city of Konigsberg to the Soviet Union and the surrounding area, about bringing war criminals to trial. Statements were agreed on about Austria, Poland, Iran, Tangier, the Black Sea Straits, on the conclusion of peace treaties, the admission of new members to the UN, on Trust Territories, etc.

The birth of the atomic era in world diplomacy

During the meetings, Truman received the famous news of the creation of American nuclear weapons: "A child is born" (eng. The baby is born).

On July 18, at 1:15 pm, President Truman arrived at Churchill's villa. The British prime minister invited him to lunch. Truman took with him a telegram that had just arrived from Washington on the results of an atomic bomb test in New Mexico. After acquainting Churchill with its contents, the President raised the question of what and how to communicate to Stalin on this matter.

Truman believed that acquainting Soviet representatives with the details of the explosion would only hasten their entry into the war against Japan, which he would have preferred to avoid altogether. Both Western leaders believed that since there was no longer any need for Soviet aid in the Far East, it would be best not to say anything to the Russians at all. But this could have negative consequences in the future. A cardinal question arose: how and what exactly to say to Stalin. After weighing the various possibilities, the interlocutors came to the conclusion that it is best to tell about the bomb by chance, as if in passing, when Stalin is distracted by some of his own thoughts.

Western leaders were particularly worried about Japan's announcement of surrender through Soviet diplomatic channels before the Americans had time to "win" the war. Churchill told Truman about the tentative steps of the Japanese, which Stalin reported to the British Prime Minister the day before. The essence of these steps was that Japan could not accept unconditional surrender, but was ready to agree to other conditions.

Churchill proposed to lay out the demands for unconditional surrender in some other way, so that the allies would get basically what they want, and at the same time would give the Japanese some opportunity to save their military honor. Truman, without hesitation, declined the offer. He feared that in the event of some modification of the demand for Japan's unconditional surrender, the Japanese would surrender through the mediation of Moscow, and then victory could slip out of American hands.

As can be seen from Churchill's memoirs, this whole conversation made an unpleasant impression on him. He sensed the determination and aggressiveness of the new president, who, in the face of the increased strength of the United States, wanted to conduct business as if the "American century" had arrived.

Churchill proposed to use jointly the means of defense that are scattered around the world. Britain is now a smaller power than the United States, the prime minister continued, but it has much of what it still has from the great days of the empire.

Truman was wary: it seemed to him that Churchill was too quick to come to an agreement.

Truman expected the United States to play a major role in the United Nations and around the world. And the American monopoly on the atomic bomb was supposed to help him achieve this goal.

Truman was eager to make it clear to the Soviet side that he had a trump card in his fist. After waiting for several days, on July 24, immediately after the end of the plenary session, he carried out the plan outlined earlier. He confined himself to a remark of the most general nature. Truman approached Stalin and informed him through the interpreter Pavlov that the United States had created a new weapon of extraordinary destructive power.

This is how Truman himself recalled it: “I naturally remarked to Stalin that we have a new weapon of extraordinary destructive power. The Russian prime minister showed little interest. He just said he was glad to hear it and hoped we could "Use it well against the Japanese."

Premier Churchill and Secretary of State Byrnes were just steps away and closely watched Stalin's reaction. He remained remarkably calm. Truman, Churchill, and Byrnes concluded that Stalin did not understand the significance of what he had just heard.

Recalling this conversation, Churchill commented on it as follows: “I stood five yards away and carefully watched this important conversation. I knew what the president was going to say. It was important what impression this would make on Stalin. His face remained cheerful and a complacent expression, and the conversation between the two powerful figures soon ended. As we waited for our cars, I approached Truman: "Well, how did it go?" I asked. “He did not ask me a single question," the president replied. Thus, I was convinced that at that moment Stalin was not particularly aware of the huge process of scientific research that the United States had been engaged in for such a long time and England and on which the United States, taking a heroic risk, spent more than 400 million pounds sterling. "

However, both Truman and Churchill were wrong - in Potsdam and later when they wrote their memoirs. Long before his conversation with Truman, Stalin knew enough about the atomic bomb. But this conversation confirmed on the Soviet side serious suspicions about the plans and intentions of the Allies. The reason for this was precisely this short conversation between Truman and Stalin on July 24.

In reality, Stalin did not show that he understood. Marshal of the USSR G.K. Zhukov, who was also in Potsdam, recalls: “In fact, after returning from the meeting, I.V. Stalin, in my presence, told Molotov about his conversation with Truman. Molotov immediately said: "He is filling himself with a price."

Stalin laughed: “Let him fill it. It will be necessary to talk with Kurchatov today about speeding up our work. " I realized that we are talking about creating an atomic bomb. "

Stalin not only understood what the conversation was about - he had the most full information about American experiments, which were obtained by Soviet intelligence. He had been dealing with the problem of creating an atomic bomb for a long time. Before leaving for Berlin for a meeting of heads of state, he read another report from the GRU on the progress of work in this area. Stalin ordered to acquaint Academician Kurchatov with this information. Here is the text of this report, which testifies that Stalin was widely aware, to the extent that he knew about the timing of the explosion of the experimental bomb, which Truman tried to scare him with: “Top secret. Bomb type "Not" (High explosive). In July this year, the production of the first atomic bomb explosion is expected. Bomb design. The active substance of this bomb is element-94 without the use of uranium-235. In the center of a ball of plutonium weighing 5 kg is placed the so-called. the initiator is a beryllium-polonium source of alpha particles. The body of the bomb, in which this explosive is placed, has an inner diameter of 140 cm. The total weight of the bomb, including pentalite, body, etc., is about 3 tons. It is expected that the force of the explosion of the bomb will be equal to the force of the explosion of 5000 tons of TNT (efficiency 5-6%). Stocks of active material: a) Uranium-235. As of April this year, there were 25 kg of uranium-235. Its production is currently 7.5 kg per month. b) Plutonium (element-94). Camp-2 has 6.5 kg of plutonium. Its receipt is adjusted, the production plan is overfulfilled. The explosion is tentatively expected on July 10 this year. " The document is marked: “t. Kurchatov is familiarized. 2. 07. 45 "..

As V. V. Karpov noted: “With the advent of atomic weapons, a real revolution in military affairs took place: military doctrines changed, the declarations of peaceful cooperation signed a few days ago were shattered. All this turned into verbal husks.

Already after July 24, when passionate speeches about the post-war structure of life in Europe were still being made, a presidential directive flew to the States from Potsdam demanding that after August 3, as soon as the "weather conditions" allow, the 509th consolidated aviation regiment of the 20th Air Army "should be dropped the first special bomb for one of the following targets: Hiroshima, Kokura, Niigata, Nagasaki. " ...

Stalin and the problem of Hiroshima and Nagasaki

September 2, 1945 On behalf of the Soviet Union, the act of surrender of Japan was signed by Lieutenant General Konstantin N. Derevianko, a native of the Umansky district of the Cherkasy region. In August 1945, Derevianko was appointed representative of the High Command of the Soviet Forces in the Far East at the headquarters of the Supreme Commander of the Allied Forces in the Pacific, American General Douglas MacArthur. On August 27, he received an order to subordinate him to the Headquarters of the Supreme High Command and empower him to sign the Act of Japan's unconditional surrender on behalf of the Soviet Supreme High Command.

On August 30, along with MacArthur and representatives of the Allied countries, Derevianko arrived in Japan, and on September 2 he took part in the signing ceremony of the Japan Surrender Act aboard the American cruiser Missouri.

After that, Derevianko visited Hiroshima and Nagasaki several times. The general proceeded along and across the radioactive ashes, made a detailed description of it and photographed what he saw. Having prepared a detailed report, he, along with an album of photographs, submitted it to the General Staff. Thanks to his research on the spot, work on the manufacture of its own atomic weapons in the USSR accelerated significantly.

“Stalin asked me to report on the situation in post-war Japan and to elucidate in more detail the issues of the Japanese attitude to the allies, the state of the armed forces of Japan, especially its navy, - recalled Derevianko. - When the report was finished, Stalin inquired about the consequences of atomic bomb explosions. I was ready for an answer, since I managed to visit the affected cities and saw everything with my own eyes. He also handed over an album of photographs showing the destruction. The next day I was informed that the report in the Politburo had been approved and that my work in Japan had received a positive assessment. ”

In December 1945 Derevianko was again sent to Tokyo. From Japan, the general returned to Moscow only in 1951, already seriously ill. He did not have long to live, he died in 1954 at the age of fifty from cancer, which developed as a result of receiving a large dose of radiation when visiting Hiroshima and Nagasaki.

Conference results

Although the Potsdam Conference decided the most pressing issues of the post-war order. However, it became clear that the European order would be built on a confrontational basis. At the Potsdam Conference, for the first time in the history of diplomacy, the nuclear factor emerged. Thus, the Potsdam Conference became the first international conference of the atomic era.

On the final day of the conference, the heads of delegations adopted fundamental decisions on the settlement of post-war issues, approved on August 7, 1945 with certain reservations by France, which was not invited to the conference.

In Potsdam, many contradictions between the allies emerged, which soon led to the Cold War.

"BERLIN CONFERENCE OF THREE POWERS"

"The conference of the heads of government of the Soviet Union, the United States of America and Great Britain, which took place from July 17 to August 2, ended. The work of the conference, the decisions it made, the agreements reached at it are aimed at consolidating the historical gain won over German imperialism, at ensuring a lasting and just peace.

The current meeting of the leaders of the three powers in Berlin is their first meeting in the post-war period in Europe.

The agreement reached at the Berlin Conference on the political and economic principles of coordinating the Allied policy towards defeated Germany during the period of Allied control is of paramount importance for ensuring a lasting peace. The purpose of this agreement "is to fulfill the Crimean Declaration on Germany. German militarism and Nazism will be eradicated, and the Allies, in agreement with each other, now and in the future, will take other measures necessary to ensure that Germany never again threatens its neighbors or maintaining world peace.

“The Allies,” the message says, “do not intend to destroy or plunge the German people into slavery. achievement of this goal, then it will be possible over time to take a place among the free and peaceful peoples of the world. "

Among other issues related to the defeat of Germany, the question of the city of Konigberg and the adjacent area was considered. The Berlin Conference determined its positions on the Polish question, the settlement of which was envisaged by the decisions of the Crimean Conference of Three Governments, designed to ensure the protection of the interests of Poland and its government.

The conference adopted a decision on the issue of concluding peace treaties and admission to the United Nations.

The peoples of the USSR are confident that further development international cooperation on the basis of decisions made at the conference will serve the cause of peace among peoples and general security. "

Historians' opinions

As the historian Yu.N. Zhukov: “The Potsdam, or Berlin meeting at the highest level turned out to be very unusual. Its character was primarily determined by the fact that it took place after the victory over Germany, in fact, it became a peaceful preliminary, allowing its participants to compare their work with the one that fell to the lot of Versailles. At the same time, the conference was largely influenced by the almost complete change in the composition of the Big Three: this time Truman represented the United States, and the United Kingdom - first Churchill, and then Clement Attlee, whose Labor Party won the parliamentary elections. But be that as it may, the conference still retained the same spirit of alliance, the desire for consensus, the understanding of the need for mutual concessions in order to reach agreement on the most pressing problems. They, as it turned out, have accumulated enough in the five months that have passed since Yalta. First of all, they were associated with Germany: should it be dismembered in order to forever rid the continent of the threat of new aggression, or should we try to find another way to eliminate a potential source of war? What are the zones of occupation and what should be taken as the original borders of Germany? What kind of reparations and in what form should they be charged? All these issues, postponed in the spring, now had to be resolved. "

Cecilienhof Palace

The Cecilienhof estate - the site of the Potsdam conference

After the end of the war in Europe, the Cecilienhof Palace played a special role. Here a meeting of the victorious powers took place. This was the third and last meeting of the "big three" of the anti-Hitler coalition. The first two took place at the end of 1943 in Tehran (Iran) and at the beginning of 1945 in Yalta (Soviet Union). 36 of the 176 rooms of the palace were reserved for conferences. The delegations were accommodated not in the Cecilienhof, but in villas in Potsdam-Babelsberg. The former salon of the crown prince served as the working room of the Americans, the former office of the crown prince served as, was the working room of the Soviet delegation.

Now the Cecilienhof Palace houses a hotel and a restaurant, as well as a memorial museum of the Potsdam Conference.

The Berlin Conference is the only one of the Big Three conferences captured on color film.
The Soviet delegation traveled to Berlin and back to Moscow by diesel-powered train, although a traditional steam locomotive was originally planned.
The Berlin (Potsdam) conference was the last in a series of meetings of the leaders of the Big Three, while the leaders of the USSR, the USA and Great Britain did not object in words to meet again in the same format. However, the first meeting of the heads of the USSR and the USA took place only in 1959 during the visit of the Soviet delegation to the United States of America.

J.V. Stalin, G. Truman and W. Churchill during a break between sessions.
Potsdam. July 1945

The Potsdam Conference of 1945, the Berlin Conference, a conference of the heads of government of the USSR, the USA and Great Britain, which discussed the problems of the post-war world order in Europe. Held from July 17 to August 2 at the Cecilienhof Palace in Potsdam. The Soviet delegation was headed by J.V. Stalin, the American delegation was headed by G. Truman, the British delegation was headed by W. Churchill, and from July 28, K. Attlee, who replaced him as Prime Minister. A decisive place in the agenda of P. k. Was taken by germ, question. The heads of the three powers agreed to implement a coordinated policy during the occupation of Germany. Its essence was formulated in the form of the principles of demilitarization, democratization and denazification of the country. The purpose of this agreement, it was emphasized in the final document of the conference, "is the implementation of the Crimean Declaration on Germany." The Three Powers affirmed that "German militarism and Nazism will be rooted out" so that Germany will never again threaten its neighbors or the maintenance of world peace. It was envisaged that the upper hand, power in Germany would be exercised by the commanders-in-chief of the arms. forces of the USSR, USA, England and France, each in its own zone of occupation, according to the instructions of the respective governments. An agreement was reached on the complete demilitarization and disarmament of Germany: the abolition of all her weapons. forces, SS, SA, SD and Gestapo with all their organizations, headquarters (including the general staff) and institutions, educational institutions, military and paramilitary organizations, the elimination of all its military. industry or control over it, as well as the destruction or surrender of all weapons and ammunition to the allies. Concrete measures were outlined for the restructuring of the politician. life in Germany for a democratic. basis, including: to destroy the fasc. the party, its branches, controlled organizations and institutions so that they do not revive in any form; abolish all Nazi laws that served the interests of the Hitler regime; to prosecute the military. criminals and all those who participated in the planning and implementation of Nazi atrocities; remove all active Nazis from public and semi-public posts, as well as from positions of responsibility in private firms; reorganize education, justice and local government systems in accordance with the principles of democracy; allow and encourage democratic activities. politician parties; ensure respect for freedom of speech, press and religion. Economical principles in relation to Germany included: the prohibition of the production of weapons, military. equipment, military. aircraft and pestilence. vessels of all types; restriction and strict control of production of metals, mechanical engineering products, chemical. products and other items necessary for the military. economics; elimination of excessive concentration of econom. forces in the form of cartels, syndicates, trusts, etc. The conference decided to consider Germany as a single economic. whole.

When discussing economical. principles of owls. the delegation was able to overcome the stubborn resistance of the West. powers seeking to prevent the elimination of military-economic. potential of Germany. The delegations of the United States and England did not agree, however, with the proposals of the USSR delegation to establish joint control of the four great powers over the Ruhr region - military-economic. base of germ, militarism. This position of SIPA and Britain testified to the intentions of the imperialist. countries in the future to use Germany as their ally in the fight against the USSR. A sharp struggle was waged against the P. k. Over the question of reparations. The delegations decided that all four powers would receive reparations from their zones of occupation and at the expense of Germans, investments abroad; The USSR, in addition to this, 25% of all withdrawn from the West. zones prom. equipment, of which 15% in exchange for an equivalent supply of coal, food and other materials. Of its share of reparations, the USSR was satisfied with reparations. claims of Poland. All reparations were to be paid in kind in the form of prom. equipment and supply of goods. At the suggestion of the USSR delegation, a decision was made to divide the surface. military, as well as merchant ships of Germany are equally divided between the USSR, the USA and England. The submarine, the boats, at the suggestion of England, were subject to sinking. The section of the ships was supposed to be completed no later than February 15. 1946. P. k. Agreed with the Sov. a proposal to transfer the city of Konigsberg (Kaliningrad) with the adjacent area to the USSR. The agreement was also adopted. the decision to bring to justice the main ones. military criminals P. k. considered the question of Poland, determined its western borders along the Oder - West. Neisse. Part of the territory of the former East Prussia was also included in Poland. In accordance with the recommendations of the Crimean Conference of 1945, by the time the P.K. unity. The delegations of the United States and England tried again, as in Yalta, to impose a people's democratic. Poland, a number of requirements, including the expansion of the composition of the Prospect Island at the expense of reaction. elements. However, thanks to the firm position of the owls. the US and British delegations were forced to unconditionally recognize the pr-in nat. unity of Poland. In the course of the work of P. k. The delegations of the United States and England have repeatedly opposed the People's Democrats. building, installed in the countries of the Center, and South-East. Europe, tried to impose decisions on the conference, meaning open interference in the internal. the affairs of the peoples of these countries. The USSR delegation decisively opposed the policy of the West. powers. At the P. k. It was decided to begin the preparation of draft peace treaties with Italy, Bulgaria, Romania, Hungary and Finland. For this, a special was established. body - the Council of Foreign Ministers. The United States and Britain again put forward before the USSR the question of its entry into the war against Japan. Sov. The delegation reaffirmed the USSR's readiness to fulfill its commitments made at the Crimean Conference. P.'s decisions to. Were aimed at ensuring peace and security in Europe. Their adoption has convincingly shown that the states belonging to the different. societies, systems, can reach a mutually acceptable agreement on the largest and most complex international. problems for the sake of universal peace and security. Sov. the pr-in consistently carried out the decisions of the P. k., they were fully implemented in the east. parts of Germany. However, the Western powers soon after the Petrograd conflict began to violate the agreements that had been adopted, to pursue a separate policy in relation to the West. Germany, to encourage the development of militarism and reaction in it.

M. E. Monin.

Used materials of the Soviet military encyclopedia in 8 volumes, volume 6.